Highbrow Magazine - hong kong protests https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/hong-kong-protests en The Global Power of Protest https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/24120-global-power-protest <div class="field field-name-field-cat field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even"><a href="/news-features" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">News &amp; Features</a></div></div></div><span class="submitted-by">Submitted by tara on Mon, 08/21/2023 - 15:00</span><div class="field field-name-field-image field-type-image field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" rel="og:image rdfs:seeAlso" resource="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/field/image/1protests.jpg?itok=rcxYSaIQ"><img typeof="foaf:Image" src="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/field/image/1protests.jpg?itok=rcxYSaIQ" width="480" height="320" alt="" /></div></div></div><div class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"><p><em>(Photo credit: <a href="https://depositphotos.com/stock-photography.html">Depositphotos.com</a>)</em></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Throughout human history, protest has always held a center-stage role, shaping the narrative with the timbre of collective voice and action. From the rugged cobblestone streets of colonial Boston to the sunbaked squares of Tahrir, the black soil of Selma to the neon-lit expanses of Hong Kong, the power of protest has reverberated through time and across continents, shifting paradigms and confronting the status quo. Yet, today, the sound of dissent rings with a peculiar tenor — a digitally-charged chord that resonates with global discontent over economic disparity and social injustice and is, as ever, an indomitable force illustrating a global connective thread shaped by shared grievances and hopes.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">In its modern iteration, protest unfolds in a new kind of <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">global</a> mobilization, a phenomenon that is as diverse in form as it is unified in purpose. Its features are not homogenous, but its root in economic inequality and lack of basic necessities binds it together. It is no longer just about the immediate political milieu but about an interconnected landscape of structural fault lines. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Zachariah Mampilly, in his study of protests in Africa, <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">underscores</a> the transformative potential of such mobilizations. Drawing parallels, protests—irrespective of their geographical origin—can significantly alter policy frameworks and societal norms, and inspire other groups. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">The Black Lives Matter <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">movement</a>, for example, which was initially sparked by the killing of Trayvon Martin in 2012, has grown into a global campaign against violence and systemic racism. In June 2020, thousands of people took to the streets of London to protest against racism and police brutality. The protests were inspired by the Black Lives Matter movement and the then recent murder of George Floyd at the hands of the police, but they were also <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">fueled</a> by a number of high-profile cases of police brutality in the UK, such as the death of Belly Mujinga, a Black woman who was spat on by a white man while working as a transport worker during the COVID-19 pandemic. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">In France, demonstrators—also <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">inspired</a> by BLM—protested the death of Adama Traore, a Black man who died in police custody in 2016. In <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">India</a>, protests were fueled by a number of high-profile <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">cases</a> of police brutality against Dalits, a group of people who are considered to be "untouchable" in the Hindu caste system. The power of the BLM movement lies not only in its ability to bring issues of racial injustice to the forefront of societal discourse, but also its capacity to force policy discussions on police reform, racial equality, and social justice across the <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">globe</a>.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><img alt="" src="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/2protests.jpg" style="height:440px; width:660px" typeof="foaf:Image" /></p> <p>(<em>Photo credit: <a href="https://depositphotos.com/stock-photography.html">Depositphotos.com</a></em>)</p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">At the heart of these global protests lies the question of why. Why do individuals, many of whom have never taken to the streets before, suddenly feel compelled to raise their voices, risking personal safety and sometimes even their lives? The reasons are manifold, and while each protest has its unique catalyst, there exists an intricate web of shared frustrations and aspirations that interlink them. Protests are rarely <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">spontaneous</a> bursts of anger, but rather the culmination of simmering discontent. They're the tangible manifestations of stories, individual and collective, that have long remained on the fringes. In societies that value the promise of capitalism, for instance, economic disparity remains a grievous wound that isn't necessarily about the <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">wealth</a> of nations but rather the distribution of that wealth, as seen with the Occupy Wall Street movement, where the rallying cry wasn’t just about economic injustice in isolation but how it <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">intertwined</a> with political systems, creating an oligarchy masked as a democracy. Similar sentiments, of course, are not isolated to Wall Street or the West. From the streets of <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">Santiago</a>, to the boulevards of <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">Beirut</a>, economic frustrations have intertwined with concerns about corruption, governance, and the very essence of democracy. When breadwinners struggle daily, when youth, despite higher education, find doors of opportunity firmly shut, the resulting disillusionment festers and eventually boils over. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">These narratives, though specific in their origin, eventually but inevitably converge to fuel the largescale and multinational demonstrations that we see today, like the global climate protests led predominantly by youths. From Greta Thunberg's solitary <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">strikes</a> outside the Swedish Parliament to millions worldwide demanding climate action, we have witnessed a fervent call for preserving our planet's future, where the battleground isn't just economic disparity or overt political oppression: It's existential, pitting current complacencies against the looming specter of environmental <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">collapse</a>. But even so, within this vast mosaic of ecological and anti-wealth activism, the undertones of economic disparity and social justice remain discernible. After all, the most <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">vulnerable</a> to climate change's ravages are often the economically disadvantaged and marginalized communities. Hence, what starts as an environmental movement seamlessly integrates demands for economic justice and equity. This intersectionality is not an anomaly but rather a testament to the intricate interplay of global challenges we confront today.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Economic disparity, though, is but one piece of the puzzle. Across the globe, social injustices, deeply embedded in societal structures, persist. For many, especially marginalized communities, these injustices are not glitches but lived realities. The racial undercurrents of the Black Lives Matter movement, the fervent cries for women's rights in nations like Iran, or the <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">plight</a> of the <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">Uyghurs</a> in China—all provide glaring testimonies to social systems that often exclude, oppress, and dehumanize. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">It's also worth noting now that modern protests are distinguished not just by their digital nature but also by the <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">demographic</a> that often leads them. Youths, historically seen as the torchbearers of change, have assumed a pivotal role in shaping these resistances. Be it in the U.S., Hong Kong, Iran, or elsewhere, young voices are at the <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">forefront</a>, challenging traditional hierarchies and envisioning a radically different future. Their audacity, informed by both their unique lived experiences and the digital universe they inhabit, challenges established norms, infusing fresh energy into the global discourse on rights and reforms.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Yet, this youthful zeal also finds itself at the crossroads of hope and despair. In many parts of the world, these very voices of change face daunting pushbacks. The machinery of state <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">repression</a>, emboldened by technological advancements, can be overwhelming. Surveillance, digital <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">censorship</a>, and outright violence are often the tools of choice for regimes intent on curbing dissent. The scenes from <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">Myanmar</a>, where peaceful demonstrators faced brutal military crackdowns, serve as a somber reminder of the high stakes many protesters confront. But amidst this adversity, transnational alliances are still formed—often through the digital bridges of our interconnected world—and amplify localized struggles, bringing them to global limelight. The Palestinian <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">cause</a>, for instance, has resonated globally, with people from various backgrounds expressing solidarity and urging an end to the Israeli occupation and violence. This interrelation provides an ability to relate and respond to distant struggles, and it redefines the very essence of modern activism. And herein lies an intriguing paradox: in an age often criticized for dwindling attention spans and digital distractions, the world is witnessing mass mobilizations of unprecedented scale and persistence. And the cause, perhaps, can be traced to the digital realm itself.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><img alt="" src="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/3protests.jpg" style="height:440px; width:660px" typeof="foaf:Image" /></p> <p>(<em>Photo credit: <a href="https://depositphotos.com/stock-photography.html">Depositphotos.com</a></em>)</p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Social media, with all its flaws, has democratized information. Narratives that were once sidelined or suppressed now find their voice. A <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">video</a> showcasing police brutality, an <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">account</a> <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">detailing</a> state oppression, or even a simple <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">image</a> <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">capturing</a> the raw emotion of protesters—these digital fragments coalesce, igniting collective outrage and empathy. Cast against the backdrop of a 21st-century world, one sculpted by digital revolutions, these demonstrations hold a mirror to the role of the internet as both a catalyzing and sustaining factor. The <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">collective</a> impulse that has sparked these movements thrives in a shared digital space, feeding off the profound power of social platforms to mobilize, unify, and amplify voices of dissent. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Zeynep Tufekci has highlighted the revolutionary <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">impact</a> of platforms like Twitter and Facebook in shaping modern protests. Movements, which traditionally took years to build <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">momentum</a>, can now catalyze in a matter of days. Social media, in her view, is not just a medium of communication; it's a lifeline of modern resistance, enabling rapid organization and the dissemination of on-ground realities, often bypassing traditional gatekeepers of information.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">For example, the 2019 Iran protests were <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">sparked</a> by a surge in fuel prices, but they encompassed a much broader canvas of economic discontent and a cry against perceived corruption. Iranians, especially the youth, grappled with a stagnating economy, dwindling job opportunities, and a sense of disenfranchisement, a scenario not entirely alien to the struggles of many around the globe. In a series of protests that would come to be known as <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">Bloody November</a>, people swarmed the streets of Tehran and other major cities, their dissent seeping into the urban arteries of the nation. But this physical manifestation of resistance was only one layer of the movement. Parallel to it, in the virtual corridors of social media, a mirrored struggle was taking shape.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Through <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">platforms</a> like Twitter and Telegram, images and messages of defiance from Iran's street protests began to circulate at an astonishing speed. The world witnessed firsthand the tear gas-laden air of Tehran and the unyielding throngs in Mashhad and Shiraz. In the sheer vastness of the digital sphere, a localized protest morphed into a global cause. Social media provided the Iranian people a platform to articulate their grievances and gave them a <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">megaphone</a> to amplify their cry for justice, projecting it far beyond their national boundaries.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">But like all tools of power, social media comes with its set of challenges. Tufekci herself <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">warns</a> that rapid mobilizations through social media systems might not allow for the organic development of leadership structures or clear agendas, potentially leading to fragmented movements that burn bright but short. And while social media offers an empowering space for dissent and organization, it can also be a double-edged <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">sword</a>. The echo chambers it often inadvertently creates can polarize societies further, allowing misinformation to spread and potentially exacerbating divisions. And state actors and counter-protest movements can harness the same platforms to surveil, intimidate, or propagate their counter-narratives.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><img alt="" src="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/4protests.jpg" style="height:440px; width:660px" typeof="foaf:Image" /></p> <p><em>(Photo credit: <a href="https://depositphotos.com/stock-photography.html">Depositphotos.com</a></em>)</p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">In response to the 2019 protests, for instance, Iranian authorities <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">implemented</a> one of the most extensive internet <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">shutdowns</a> ever recorded, <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">effectively</a> plunging the nation into digital darkness and isolating it completely. This approach, disconcertingly, isn't an isolated incident. From India's repeated internet blackouts in Kashmir to Belarus's digital crackdown during its post-election <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">protests</a>, this strategy of silencing online dissent is finding common place in the playbooks of autocratic regimes.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">It's not unexpected that the journey towards change isn't devoid of obstacles, of course. As it is, by their very nature, protests can, and often do, turn violent. The interplay between peaceful protesters, aggressive counter-protesters, and law enforcement agencies can sometimes culminate in chaos. During the Arab Spring, peaceful protests <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">morphed</a> into violent confrontations, leading to a tragic cycle of chaos and instability. In Hong Kong, citizens <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">resisted</a> an extradition bill that they believed would erode their freedoms, reflecting deeper anxieties about Beijing's increasing influence in their ostensibly autonomous region. What started as peaceful pro-democracy protests <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">spiraled</a> into violent clashes with the police, a situation that raised questions about the line between civil disobedience and anarchy. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">But dismissing protests based solely on instances of violence can be a narrow and reductionist approach to understanding complex sociopolitical movements. At the heart of every protest lies a multitude of voices, grievances, and aspirations, often stemming from deep-seated systemic issues or years of accumulated discontent. When the broader narrative is overshadowed by selective violent events, the essence of the movement is often lost, leading to a skewed representation of the protesters' genuine demands and concerns. Such an approach not only misrepresents the protesters but also dismisses their legitimate grievances, further entrenching the very issues they seek to address. This is especially true when it is a form violence itself that people protest against, such as the 2020 women-led protests in Iran.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Iran has a complex <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">history</a> when it comes to women's rights. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, there was a substantial rollback of women's rights, with women being legally required to wear the hijab and facing significant restrictions in terms of their personal and professional lives. Women in Iran, certainly, have always been at the <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">forefront</a> of political protests, advocating for broader societal and political change. In many cases, these protests are not just about women's rights, but are tied to larger issues of political freedom, economic justice, and human rights. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">In 2017, Iranian women led the "White Wednesdays" <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">campaign</a>, where women protested the mandatory hijab law by removing their headscarves in public and wearing white on Wednesdays. These acts of defiance were shared on social media, and the movement received widespread international <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">attention</a>. Many women were arrested for their participation, but this did not deter the movement, highlighting the courage and resilience of these women in their fight for their freedoms.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><img alt="" src="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/5protests.jpg" style="height:440px; width:660px" typeof="foaf:Image" /></p> <p>(<em>Photo credit: <a href="https://depositphotos.com/stock-photography.html">Depositphotos.com</a>)</em></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Then, the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody in September 2022 sparked a massive <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">wave</a> of protests across Iran. Amini, a 22-year-old Kurdish woman, was arrested for allegedly violating the country's strict dress code. She died in custody a few days later under mysterious circumstances. The protests began in Amini's hometown of Sanandaj, in Iran's Kurdish region. They quickly spread to other cities across the country, including Tehran, Mashhad, and Shiraz. The protesters were demanding justice for Amini's death and an end to the government's repression of women.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">The protests were met with a <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">brutal</a> crackdown by the Iranian government. Security forces opened fire on the protesters, killing and wounding hundreds. Thousands of people were arrested, and many of them were tortured. Despite the crackdown, the protests continued for weeks. And while they eventually died down, the protests had a significant impact on Iran. They showed that the Iranian people are no longer willing to accept the government's repressive policies. They also inspired a new generation of activists to fight for women's rights and democracy. Though <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">sparked</a> by tragedy and violence against women, the movement will have a lasting impact on Iran. The very act of these protests, even at their most chaotic, were a profound expression of a society's pulse. Even when they turn violent, protests remain an essential symptom of deeper societal ailments that require addressal. Dismissing them based on instances of violence is akin to ignoring a persistent fever because of the discomfort it brings.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Besides, focusing solely on violent episodes without considering the wider context can inadvertently provide authoritarian regimes with ammunition to delegitimize and suppress these movements. By painting an entire protest movement as violent or chaotic based on isolated incidents, state apparatuses or opposing factions can employ a mix of legal, propaganda, and coercive tactics to crack down on these movements, often with public support. This can lead to a spiral of further violence, as suppressed voices grow more desperate, and genuine dialogues or avenues for resolution are stifled.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">The 1989 Tiananmen Square protests in China, for example, were widely reported as being violent, with protesters clashing with security forces and tanks. However, there is <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">evidence</a> to suggest that the violence was largely initiated by the government, with security forces opening fire on unarmed protesters. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">The farmers' protests in India in 2020-2021 were also met with a heavy-handed <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">response</a> from the government, with security forces using tear gas and batons to disperse protesters, even though the protests were largely peaceful. And of course, the Black Lives Matter protests in the United States were often <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">portrayed</a> as being violent, with some protesters engaging in looting and vandalism; even though the vast <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">majority</a> of protests are peaceful, and the violence that does occur is often initiated by <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">police</a> or counter-protesters.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><img alt="" src="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/6protests.jpg" style="height:440px; width:660px" typeof="foaf:Image" /></p> <p><em>(Photo credit: <a href="https://depositphotos.com/stock-photography.html">Depositphotos.com</a></em>)</p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Yet, despite these challenges, the undeniable fact remains: Protests <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">work</a>. Not always in the immediate, tangible sense of policy revisions or regime changes, but in the more subtle, profound realm of societal consciousness. As Mampilly <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">posits</a>, even in their most chaotic manifestations, protests are less about the present and more about the future they seek to shape. Protests disrupt the norm, they force conversations, challenge complacencies, and eventually mold societal ethos. Hong Kong's government, in response to the months’-long protests, withdrew the controversial extradition bill. Indian farmers ended their yearlong protests after the government <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">accepted</a> their demands. A wave of student-protests against Chile’s inequality led to a rewriting of the country’s dictator-era Constitution. In the U.S., the resounding calls for justice have prompted serious discussions on police reform, with tangible policy changes in some cities and states. And though the Iranian government has not yet made any fundamental changes to its policies, the women’s protests forced it to make some concessions, such as relaxing the dress code for women in some public places. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">But the road to that future is treacherous. State apparatuses, especially in autocratic regimes, have evolved, leveraging technology to <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">surveil</a>, <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">censor</a>, and repress. The very tools that empower protesters—social media platforms, encrypted messaging services, digital forums—are also potential vulnerabilities. State-sponsored cyberattacks, digital surveillance, and <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">misinformation</a> campaigns are now part and parcel of the modern protest landscape. And sure, global solidarity is a powerful force, but it's also essential to recognize the West's occasional <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">myopic</a> view of protests, especially in non-Western countries. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">The lens through which global media, especially Western outlets, often view these protests can sometimes be tinted with biases or <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">oversimplifications</a>. Every movement, every cry for change, is rooted in a complex tapestry of history, culture, and socio-political dynamics. Reducing them to binary narratives does a disservice to the protesters and their cause. There is also the challenge in ensuring that the essence of localized struggles isn't diluted. The nuances, the cultural contexts, the unique histories, all demand careful attention. An oversimplification or a generic, one-size-fits-all approach risks robbing these movements of their rich tapestry of experiences and aspirations. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">Still, as we stand at the precipice of a rapidly changing world order, the universality of the human spirit shines through. The power of protest, rooted in our innate desire for dignity, justice, and a better world, transcends geographical, cultural, and socioeconomic barriers. Every placard raised in <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">Caracas</a> resonates in the heart of an activist in the U.S. Every chant in <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">Minsk</a> finds an echo in the streets of <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">Ecuador</a>.</span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">The world today, fragmented as it may seem, is bound by these shared aspirations. The challenges are monumental, the path fraught with uncertainties, but the <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">collective</a> will of humanity, <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">time</a> and again, has showcased its capacity for <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">change</a>. Protests, in their essence, are not just about dissent: they're about hope and a vision of a world not just of equal opportunities but where voices, no matter how marginalized, are heard, acknowledged, and celebrated. What fuels these global demonstrations is never mere dissatisfaction, but a deeper narrative at play. For many, these protests represent not just a moment of defiance but a protracted struggle against structures that perpetuate inequality.</span></span></p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif"> </span></span></p> <p><img alt="" src="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/7protests.jpg" style="height:445px; width:600px" typeof="foaf:Image" /></p> <p>(Photo credit: <em>Brandon Carson,<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/shemp65/5408681965"> Flickr</a>, Creative Commons</em>)</p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">In the final reckoning, try as we might to decode the power of protest, a few truths emerge. Protests, in all their chaotic, pulsating, and tumultuous nature, are the <a href="about:blank" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">lifeblood</a> of vibrant democracies and a thorn in the side of autocracies. They challenge, disrupt, and eventually shape the narrative, steering societies towards introspection and, ideally, reformation. Their power isn't just in their immediate demands but in the broader dialogues they instigate, in the global consciousness they stir, and in the future they envision. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif">In the age of information, amidst the cacophony of digital discourses, the power of protest stands undiminished, a testament to our shared human spirit and its unwavering dream of a better tomorrow. From every clenched fist raised in defiance, to every slogan that pierces the air, to every silent vigil that mourns lost freedoms, there lies a promise of resilience, of hope, and of an unyielding quest for a world that is just, inclusive, and empathetic. </span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif"><strong>Author Bio:</strong></span></span></p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif"><strong><em>Angelo Franco is</em> Highbrow Magazine’s <em>chief features writer.</em></strong></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif"><strong>For Highbrow Magazine</strong></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif"><strong>Image Sources:</strong></span></span></p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif"><strong><em>--<a href="https://depositphotos.com/stock-photography.html">Depositphotos.com</a></em></strong></span></span></p> <p><span style="font-size:18px"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman,Times,serif"><strong><em>--Brandon Carson (<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/shemp65/5408681965" style="color:#0563c1; text-decoration:underline">Flickr</a>, Creative Commons)</em></strong></span></span></p> <p> </p> </div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Tags:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/protests" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">protests</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/protesting" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">protesting</a></div><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/black-lives-matter" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">black lives matter</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/mahsa-amini" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Mahsa Amini</a></div><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/iranian-protests" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">iranian protests</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/tahrir-square" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Tahrir Square</a></div><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/hong-kong-protests" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">hong kong protests</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/tianamen-square" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">tianamen square</a></div><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/revolution" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">revolution</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/anti-government-protests" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">anti-government protests</a></div><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/peaceful-protests" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">peaceful protests</a></div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-author field-type-text field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">Angelo Franco</div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-pop field-type-list-boolean field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Popular:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">not popular</div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-bot field-type-list-boolean field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Bottom Slider:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">In Slider</div></div></div> Mon, 21 Aug 2023 19:00:14 +0000 tara 12063 at https://www.highbrowmagazine.com https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/24120-global-power-protest#comments The Anaconda of Chinese Communism Slithers into Hong Kong https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/4357-anaconda-chinese-communism-slithers-hong-kong <div class="field field-name-field-cat field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even"><a href="/news-features" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">News &amp; Features</a></div></div></div><span class="submitted-by">Submitted by tara on Mon, 10/13/2014 - 10:38</span><div class="field field-name-field-image field-type-image field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" rel="og:image rdfs:seeAlso" resource="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/field/image/8hongkong.jpg?itok=ugdhExj1"><img typeof="foaf:Image" src="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/field/image/8hongkong.jpg?itok=ugdhExj1" width="480" height="319" alt="" /></div></div></div><div class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"><p> </p> <p>As the rest of the world was distracted this summer by the ongoing tragedies in Gaza, Iraq, and Ukraine and Syria, the anaconda of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has betrayed its pledge made to the people of Hong Kong in the summer of 1997, when the former British colony was returned to Chinese rule. And it is this blatant betrayal by the Chinese government that has brought several hundred thousand protesters- most of them from their teens to their early 30s, into the streets of Hong Kong.</p> <p>Fifteen years ago, the CCP promised Hong Kong’s people that this celebrated financial center on the South China Sea would be ruled as a “Special Administrative Region” and that there would be “one country, two systems.” China vowed that Hong Kongers would maintain all the rights and liberties that they enjoyed under the old British colonial rule, for 50 more years --  including freedom of the press and freedom of assembly, rights that have never existed anywhere on the Mainland.</p> <p>What’s more, Beijing promised that by 2017, the 400 sq mile territory would have universal suffrage. Every adult would have the right to vote for the city’s Chief Executive. </p> <p>Then this summer, Beijing released an official White Paper, which declared that anyone whom the people of Hong Kong nominated to run for the office of Chief Executive must first be vetted by Beijing. What’s more,  anyone nominated by the people to become a potential political leader in Hong Kong must “love the country” – but what that actually means is that any candidate to be selected must “love the <em>Party</em>.” Then on August 31, the Chinese government further narrowed the qualifications of candidates, saying they must have at least 50 percent of the pro-Beijing nominating committee’s vote.</p> <p>By vetting nominations, and thus rigging all future elections, the CCP has taken a page right out of the playbook of America’ s notoriously corrupt New York City politician  William “Boss” Marcy Tweed. He infamously said: <em>“I don't care who does the electing, so long as I get to do the nominating.”</em> Eventually convicted for bribery and fraud, Tweed died in prison in the 1870s.</p> <p>The Chinese Communist Party insists that the people of Hong Kong must go along with this. But millions of Hong Kongers are the sons and daughters, or the grandsons or granddaughters, of immigrants who fled communist rule on the mainland in the 1950s. Between 1947 and 1952 alone, some 1.5 million decamped from China. And that flow continued through the 1960s and 1970s – they all wanted a better life for themselves and their families. And the then-British colony of British Hong Kong offered that.</p> <p>And while few young people inside mainland China know about the June 4th 1989 massacre of the students in Beijing, the Tiananmen Square crackdown sent shockwaves through Hong Kong as people saw how far China's rulers would go to keep their grip on power; and each year on June 4th a candlelight vigil is held for the murdered students in Hong Kong’s Victoria Park, and up to 100,000 people attend the moving tribute.</p> <p>Now, 25 years later, after the release of the White Paper disavowing their 1997 promise, why should the people of Hong Kong trust anything the Party ever says?</p> <p>But Hong Kong’s distrust of the CCP is broader and runs deeper than just its lies about promised political reform. While it’s true that the communists lifted countless millions of Chinese out of dire poverty,  in its relentless drive for economic growth at all costs, the CCP has poisoned the very air that people breathe (according to a World Bank report 16 out of the 20 most polluted cities on the planet are in China). They have also poisoned the water and the soil, all for profit by a few.  Obviously, poisoned, too, are much of the foods coming out of China  - including everything from cooking oil and baby foods to heart medicines.   </p> <p>Every year,  about 50 million tourists travel  from mainland China to  see the exotic bright lights of Hong Kong. And while they  buy international brand-name luxury  goods  [which are  often fakes in their own cities)  Chinese tourists also stock up on millions of dollars’ worth of milk powder and medicines in Hong Kong because they simply don’t  trust the foods or medicines  made in China. Worse still, billions of dollars of  ‘hot money’ from China is pouring into Hong Kong and used to buy property in the land-starved city, completely and possibly forever pricing out homes for local people.</p> <p>Meanwhile, corruption on every level has spread like a wildfire all over the country. Chinese President Xi Jinping is leading a nationwide drive to stamp it out.  But the rot is now rapidly spreading down to Hong Kong. The head of the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) -- a government body set up by the British colonial government in the 1970s to fight corruption -- is himself now being investigated and the ICAC is now being used not just to fight corruption, but as a political tool against the pro-democrat democracy  <em>Apple Daily</em> Newspaper. </p> <p>Meanwhile, a former career Hong Kong civil servant who reached the second highest post in the Hong Kong Civil Service, is currently on trial for taking millions of dollars in bribes “to be the ears and eyes” for a major property developer; the same man admitted accepting a bribe from a mainland Chinese official to pay for his extravagant lifestyle.</p> <p>While Hong Kongers are worried that corruption is spreading from China into Hong Kong, China’s Communist Party leaders worry that calls for democracy here could spread to the mainland.</p> <p>And their fears are not unfounded. Both Tibet and Xinjiang Province in China’s far west, would love to become independent territories. Social unrest over official corruption has led to public protests all across China, which are ruthlessly put down.</p> <p> </p> <p><img alt="" src="/sites/default/files/9hongkong_0.jpg" /></p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Smothering a free press</strong></p> <p>The giant anaconda that is the CCP has been slowly trying to crush out any hope of true democracy in Hong Kong. Media repression, which has led to self-censorship in Hong Kong’s once vibrant press, may soon become the norm.</p> <p>Virtually all of the city’s main newspapers are now owned by pro-Beijing billionaires. The editor of Hong Kong’s oldest English newspaper, the <em>South China Morning Post</em>, is now edited by- Wang Xiangwei, a former editor with the <em>China Daily</em>, official mouthpiece of the Chinese Communist Party.</p> <p>The chairman of the largest Chinese-language newspaper, the <em>Sing Tao</em> News Corporation is another billionaire, who is also a National Committee Member of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. The Sing Tao Group owns Hong Kong’s only other English-language paper, <em>The Standard</em>.</p> <p>Yes, there are newspapers that do excellent independent reporting. One of these is the<em> Ming</em> <em>Pao Daily</em> which, according to  a media credibility survey undertaken by the Chinese University of Hong Kong in 2006, is the most credible Chinese language newspaper. However, such papers are coming  under increasing threat. In February of this year, the paper’s chief editor, Kevin Lau was savagely attacked by two men wielding meat cleavers while walking near his office.  Most journalists here believe that that attempted assassination of Lau, 49, was due to his investigative reporting on China.  Soon after the attack, the Hong Kong Journalist Association organized a protest rally that brought 13,000 people into the streets; many carried banners proclaiming: “They can’t kill us all.” Eventually two men, triad gangsters, were arrested in China. Lau, who spent months in the hospital, is still recovering from his severe injuries.</p> <p>Disclaimer: Don’t expect this report to be dispassionate.   I‘ve lived and worked in Hong Kong, on and off, for 25 years and have come to love this city like no other. I’ve found the people here are the hardest-working, most sensible, most tolerant people on the planet. It takes an immense amount of provocation to make them give up their school and their work, to march publicly in the streets.</p> <p>For Americans, the concepts of “Freedom of the Press” and “Freedom of Assembly” are taken utterly for granted. But as a journalist, these notions mean more to me than some vague memory from a high school history class. Without these two key freedoms, the foundation of a free society cannot stand. And these two essential pillars are slowly being pulled out from under the people of Hong Kong.</p> <p>I’m immensely proud of the students and the young people of Hong Kong, and their parents (often blue-collar workers) who have stood up over and over again for their civil rights –  in 1989 and 1997, and 2012 and now 2014.  And I’m more proud than ever of this most recent uber-peaceful pro-democracy demonstration.  Among the hundreds of thousands Hong Kongers standing up and speaking out over eight days, I saw hundreds of teenagers carrying away their trash, distributing cold water to thirsty people in the searing Hong Kong heat, doing their homework, and even helping a “mature” reporter with a bum knee climb over their barricades. </p> <p> </p> <p><img alt="" src="/sites/default/files/10hongkong.jpg" /></p> <p> </p> <p><strong>The anaconda comes in for the kill</strong></p> <p>Overseas observers may be wondering, why the sudden anger in Hong Kong? But the anger is not sudden. It’s been building for years.  Since the city’s return from British rule to Chinese control in 1997, the CCP has forced the people of Hong Kong to be managed by three third-rate men. The first, a failed shipping magnate, proved so inept that midway through his term, a half-million people here marched for his removal, and he resigned “for health reasons.” Though Tung Chee-hwa is still relentlessly pro-Beijing, all three of his children went to American universities and are US citizens. </p> <p>The second Beijing-appointed Chief Executive of the city, Donald Tsang, is now under investigation by the Independent Commission Against Corruption; after nearly 18 months the results of that investigation are not yet in.</p> <p>The current Chief Executive, CY Leung, almost certainly gave the final OK to the Hong Kong Police to use teargas 87 times against the students on September 28; the effect was not only to have front-page photos in newspapers around the world, but the public fury caused by  teargassing unarmed students led to still greater numbers of protesters the following night. He also likely gave the thumbs-up for the police to detain the young student leader Joshua Wong – who turns 18 this month,  for 40 hours, without justifiable cause (which is against the law in Hong Kong).</p> <p> </p> <p>Then just a few days ago it was revealed by Australia’s leading newspaper, the <em>Sydney Morning Herald</em> that Leung accepted a secret HK$50 million (approximately US$6.1 million) fee from an Australian mining company for past – and possibly - future services. Leung claims that under Hong Kong law he was not required to reveal such fees, but the Australian government is now investigating if the Australian firm has broken possible Australian bribery laws, and the bombshell news clearly calls into question Leung’s moral integrity, of accepting fees from a foreign company while serving as Hong Kong’s chief executive. Hong Kong’s own ICAC may soon also open an investigation. Meanwhile, Beijing has maintained silenced on the issue as the CCP ponders over what to do with their ‘man in Hong Kong.’</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>The Party’s reaction to Hong Kong’s loss of trust</strong></p> <p>Soon after the June release of China’s infamous White Paper which put Hong Kongers on notice that all candidates for the future office of Chief Executive would have to be vetted and approved by Beijing, Hong Kong’s summer of discontent began. The <em>Ming Pao Daily </em>bluntly stated: the "one-country two-system" concept has become an "empty shell" and that Hong Kong is likely to turn into an "ordinary Chinese city."</p> <p>What happened next only made matters worse. Instead of talking directly to the 7.2 million people of Hong Kong, the CCP flew 70 Hong Kong tycoons, most of them the billionaire bosses of major Hong Kong firms, especially property developers, to Beijing. The elite entourage was led by Tung Chee-hwa.</p> <p>Upon their return to Hong Kong, these hardline capitalists who already virtually control Hong Kong’s entire economy, essentially told the people of Hong Kong that nothing could be changed, that there would be no point in further discussion. The decision had been made.</p> <p> </p> <p><img alt="" src="/sites/default/files/6hongkong_1.jpg" /></p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Can’t fight? Maybe flee?</strong></p> <p>And now once again, as they did in the run-up to the 1997 return of Hong Kong to China, I hear that the middle class here are talking about fleeing - again -- to Canada, the US, the UK. According to a report by the <em>South China Morning Post</em>, recent public opinion polls found that “one in five locals are seriously considering a permanent move abroad” because of the political uncertainty that now looms over Hong Kong.</p> <p>As I write this, the protests are almost over, the students are exhausted, under pressure from their schools and the parents to leave. Soon the streets will be cleared.</p> <p>And now the vilification of the students will begin. They will be painted as spoiled, selfish, lazy and naïve. They are none of these. And the people who will make those claims, in Beijing, and Hong Kong, will never have met any of them. Their scripts were written long before the protests began.  Hired thugs who came to the working class district of Mongkok could not scare the students there. But still, their image in the minds of some Hong Kongers, will probably be tarnished in the Chinese state media.</p> <p>There are many naysayers here in Hong Kong, and overseas, who believe that even the largest peaceful protests will have no possible effect on the future lives of Hong Kong people - because the Chinese Communist Party will refuse to ever compromise. That would mean too much loss of “face.”</p> <p>But they are wrong. In December 2002, there was a huge uproar against the infamous Article 23, a proposed piece of legislation designed to protect China’s “national security,” which mirrored a law already in existence in the Mainland. The suggested wording was so vague that it could make virtually any public statement, or act, public or private, a potential crime against the “national security” of China.</p> <p>Some 70,000 angry Hong Kongers came out to march against it. Then nearly 200,000 people signed petitions against it. Hong Kong’s then pro-Beijing Security Secretary Regina Ip tried hard to press it into law.  But a few months later 600,000 to 700,000 (figures vary) residents marched against it.</p> <p>What happened? Article 23 was quietly shelved. Ms. Ip resigned. Though she has now returned, hoping to find a place at the table with the other pro-Beijingers. She has defended the use of tear gas by the police against the students.</p> <p>Then in 2011, Beijing proposed a “Moral and National Education Curriculum” bill, which sparked widespread fears among Hong Kong parents, and teachers, and the media that it would become a form of political brainwashing. There were large scale protests, particularly by students. What happened? The bill’s been shelved.</p> <p>Personally, as a long-time resident of Hong Kong who loves this city, I’m extremely proud of what the people are doing to make their home a better place, especially the young people. No one said it would be easy. No one thinks it will happen overnight.</p> <p>But history is on Hong Kong’s side.</p> <p>Over the years, I have personally seen protests for democracy in South Korea, the Philippines, Taiwan, Soviet Georgia and other places. And despite the many cynics who said it was “a waste of time,”  guess what happened?  Democracy came to those places. And I think that Hong Kong people --  the  most patient and law-abiding people, deserve to have a major say in how they live their own lives.</p> <p>It will not happen overnight, but if the people of Hong Kong, the young and the not so young, stick together and keep up the pressure, Hong Kong will be able to remain the great city -  free and open, that we who live here all love.</p> <p>As 55-year-old taxi driver Edward Yeung told a Hong Kong newspaper: “ If today I don't stand up, I will hate myself in future. “</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>For Highbrow Magazine</strong></p> </div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Tags:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/hong-kong" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Hong Kong</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/hong-kong-protests" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">hong kong protests</a></div><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/china" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">China</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/chinese-government" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">chinese government</a></div><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/communism" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">communism</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/communist-party" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Communist Party</a></div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-author field-type-text field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">Patrick McShane</div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-pop field-type-list-boolean field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Popular:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">not popular</div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-bot field-type-list-boolean field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Bottom Slider:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">Out Slider</div></div></div> Mon, 13 Oct 2014 14:38:12 +0000 tara 5292 at https://www.highbrowmagazine.com https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/4357-anaconda-chinese-communism-slithers-hong-kong#comments The Struggle for Identity and Fairness in Hong Kong https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/4341-struggle-identity-and-fairness-hong-kong <div class="field field-name-field-cat field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even"><a href="/news-features" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">News &amp; Features</a></div></div></div><span class="submitted-by">Submitted by tara on Thu, 10/02/2014 - 10:36</span><div class="field field-name-field-image field-type-image field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" rel="og:image rdfs:seeAlso" resource="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/field/image/2hongkong.jpg?itok=SEsshrs3"><img typeof="foaf:Image" src="https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/field/image/2hongkong.jpg?itok=SEsshrs3" width="480" height="300" alt="" /></div></div></div><div class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"><p> </p> <p><strong>From our content partner <a href="http://newamericamedia.org/2014/10/gen-97-drives-struggle-for-identity-and-fairness-in-hong-kong.php">New America Media</a></strong>:</p> <p> </p> <p>HONG KONG -- On both sides of the barricades blocking this city’s streets, media pundits from New York and Beijing assert that the protests in Hong Kong arise from demands for greater autonomy. Completely unnoticed is a major demographic shift in the region’s population, which is redefining the issues that motivate the younger generation to shut down this global financial center.</p> <p> </p> <p>The leadership and activist numbers are coming from Generation ’97, young people born during the 1997 handover of the then-British Crown colony to Chinese sovereignty. These youngsters, most still in the secondary level (high school), are finding themselves at the forefront of a populist struggle for electoral rights. They are motivated by anxieties about local identity and a consequent need for better representation, reflecting attitudes that differ subtly but significantly from the traditional opposition parties.</p> <p> </p> <p>Leadership of the democracy movement was suddenly thrust onto this youth cohort before the protests, when a corruption scandal broke involving the controversial publisher of the <em>Apple Daily</em> press paying illegal contributions to politicians in the opposition parties. The Independent Commission Against Corruption investigation turned up examples of pocketing of unreported donations for personal gain. This corruption further taints the image of a pan-democratic alliance that was already divided by rivalries and unexplained dropouts prior to the street protests.</p> <p> </p> <p>Underlying the youth movement’s strategy of civil disobedience is a deepening distrust of their pre-1997 elders in both camps, who operate in a political culture of “deal-making” and an elitist obsession with property and wealth, regardless of political affiliation. What the young radicals confronting tear gas and riot police reject is the selling out of Hong Kong’s unique way of life to the highest bidder, whether wealthy businessmen from China or globalist financial corporations.</p> <p> </p> <p>In contrast with the figureheads of the opposition parties, these youth are not aligned with Britain or the United States, but are battling instead for their own Hong Kong as the last bastion of Cantonese culture. For that goal, the ever-increasing ranks of post-1997 youth realize the vital importance of equal voting rights to choose leaders who will represent the people of Hong Kong, especially the poor and disadvantaged, and not just its wealthy elite.</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>A manga antihero </strong></p> <p> </p> <p>The most charismatic figure to emerge from the youth movement is Joshua Wong, one of four student leaders of Scholarism, a political front of high school students and college freshmen. The Gen ’97 teen activists with Scholarism are the driving force behind the street protests, overshadowing the Occupy Central organizers and their seniors in the Federation of Hong Kong University Students.</p> <p> </p> <p>These secondary schoolchildren are prepared to cast away university admission and promising careers -- unimaginable sacrifices in this upwardly mobile society that cherishes education above all -- in their commitment to political rights. By making the unthinkable break with traditional values in a conformist urban society, the rebellious youth have shocked anxious parents, unionized workers and the lower-middle class of this Cantonese-speaking city into worried support with food donations, cash, praise and admiration. The example of teenagers holding out against tear gas has convinced many formerly passive residents to take a stand on the streets.</p> <p><br /> <img alt="" src="/sites/default/files/1hongkong%20%28thinboyfatter%20Flickr%29_0.jpg" style="height:416px; width:625px" /></p> <p> </p> <p>Joshua, 17, shows a precocious understanding of the complexities of Hong Kong politics, and yet remains adamant in remaining an outsider to the establishment. His strong commitment to street agitation is not based on an alpha male image from kung fu movies. To the contrary, the slim teenager is modest and soft-spoken, while succinct in explaining his viewpoints. A Bruce Lee-style bowl cut touches his wide-set almond eyes, which are exactly like those of maverick antiheroes in Japanese comics known as <em>manga</em>. This lad is clearly the role model for young people across East Asia, who are disaffected by traditional career paths, choose a variety of lifestyles and are tuned in to social media.</p> <p> </p> <p>“I admit it’s annoying to hear nothing but Mandarin in the metro instead of Cantonese,” he says, “but I am not a right-winger who makes comments against visiting mainlanders.” His statement should come as a surprise to the National People’s Congress in Beijing, whose worst nightmare is the electoral victory of an anti-China secessionist figure. Out of these gut-level fears, the NPC voted unanimously to require all nominees to gain its approval before the 2017 election of a new Chief Executive, the highest position in Hong Kong.</p> <p> </p> <p>In contrast to the leaders of the opposition parties, or Hong Kongers who emigrated to Canada or Britain before 1997, Scholarism members simply do not have any personal memory of UK rule, and therefore hold no attachment to the British lifestyle that the last royal governor Chris Patton mistakenly referred to as “the Hong Kong way of life.” Gen ’97 accepts the “one country, two systems” formula as a fact of life. It is the only political order they have ever known.</p> <p> </p> <p>“The relationship between Hong Kong and the People’s Republic of China cannot be amended at this late stage,” Joshua explains. “There is no other road than ‘one country, two systems’.” By the same token, he adds, “Under that formula, our first priority is equality for all residents, and this means greater equality in the electoral system. We cannot let our common future be determined by a 1,200-member election committee instead of by the 7 million people of Hong Kong.”</p> <p> </p> <p><br /> <img alt="" src="/sites/default/files/5hongkong.jpg" style="height:416px; width:625px" /></p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Money mania</strong></p> <p> </p> <p>What this youth leader makes clear is that local democracy can coexist with China’s sovereignty. But the problem of electoral inequality has been deeply rooted in the class structure within Hong Kong society. The political divide between the powerful elite and disenfranchised poor has widened as a result of rapid globalization, expressed in the closer collusion of Western finance capital and China’s rising economic power.</p> <p> </p> <p>The Hong Kong SAR (Special Administrative Region) government is a reflection of converging financial interests, which tend to favor large-scale mainland corporate interests over the small local businesses and economic welfare of the lower class. Corruption is by now an acceptable practice among the governing elite, as exposed during the court conviction of Communist faction boss Bo Xilai, whose kin became millionaires in a Hong Kong rife with money-for-favors. Yet government officials and their cronies in the local property-development sector remain protected by making rather disingenuous expressions of support for Beijing.</p> <p> </p> <p>The culture of corruption has seeped down into much of the middle class. From the 1980s through the 2008 Wall Street crisis, Hong Kong’s best and brightest university graduates -- fluent in English and Mandarin -- were eagerly sought after by both Western and Chinese companies. They were hired to manage new joint ventures on the mainland, play the thriving Hong Kong and Shanghai stock markets, and provide international services in legal consulting, accounting, financial strategy, banking and marketing.</p> <p> </p> <p>Left behind during the boom decades was the growing number of less-advantaged youth who could not quality for the top universities, and faced diminishing job prospects, while rising rental costs and competition from large corporate chains closed down local Cantonese-owned trading companies, shipping agents, movie industry, restaurants and coffee houses. The promise of a good career in the new information economy and creative industries quickly turned into a ghetto of low-paying part-time jobs with no share in intellectual property rights.</p> <p> </p> <p>Joshua is frank about his own performance in school. “I was an ordinary secondary student, not very good at English, and always in danger of failing grades. The best I could do after graduating last year was to enter the lowest-ranked college in Hong Kong, Open University.”</p> <p> </p> <p>“My first interest in political affairs was sparked in 2010 during the campaign for a popular referendum on the HKSAR [Hong Kong Special Administrative Region]-proposed West Rail Line,” he said. The plan to lay track over environmentally sensitive wetlands for a third train corridor with the mainland was seen by many residents as a pork-barrel project, dispensing public funds to help the construction industry and property developers.</p> <p> </p> <p>“The favorable policies toward mainland investors and tourists were supposed to help the Hong Kong economy, but what happened instead was rising rents that drove out local businesses and price inflation that’s made the city too expensive for locals,” he lamented.</p> <p> </p> <p>In an attempt at morale-raising among disaffected youth, increasingly attracted by Japanese anime and Korean pop stars, the HKSAR education bureau had long been considering a proposal to instill greater local pride and patriotism through a curriculum called National and Moral Education. That May 2011 proposal stirred Joshua into action. He called for unprecedented rallies in front of secondary schools, and then a sit-in and hunger strike at the government offices overlooking the central district. The tender age of these activists triggered an outpouring of public support from some 120,000 residents who participated in the 10-day occupation.</p> <p> </p> <p>In an interview just before the Occupy Central protests, Joshua expressed his determination to proceed with civil disobedience.</p> <p> </p> <p>“Our generation, born at the time of the handover, bears the responsibility to defend full rights until the Basic Law period comes to an end [in 2047],” he asserted, “and we are not backing down from civil disobedience to achieve those promised rights.”</p> <p> </p> <p><br /> <img alt="" src="/sites/default/files/6hongkong.jpg" style="height:416px; width:625px" /></p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Pig with a message</strong></p> <p> </p> <p>If Joshua had an avatar, a guiding spirit that urged him to battle for popular rights, it would be the comic-book pig McDull. The Cantonese-speaking antihero of lower-class origins is anything but a straight-A student. His mother pushes him to pass exams for entry into the prestigious University of Hong Kong, but his grades are miserable. His good-natured dreams about a fairer world are predictably shattered in every episode. McDull is a loser, but he keeps on trying, and one of his best efforts was to conjure up Excreman, a figure who symbolized environmental consciousness. After fertilizing some flowers, that pungent character bid farewell to his creator McDull, saying, “Remember us whenever you see the humblest, the deserted and the despised.”</p> <p> </p> <p>The message of simple goodness, reminiscent of the Everyman icon of the Cultural Revolution named Lei Feng, poses no real threat to the rich and the powerful. Yet the powers that be take umbrage at youth who dare to stand against their elders, dispatching riot police and tear gas to suppress the impudent children. Following a weeklong boycott of classes at universities and secondary schools, Joshua Wong was arrested with 70 other young people for their sit-in in the public space in front of the supposedly democratic Legislative Council. The young activist is now awaiting trial on charges of exercising the right to assembly guaranteed under the Basic Law.</p> <p> </p> <p>What is happening in Hong Kong is not a phony “color revolution” financed by foreign powers. It is simply a struggle for common sense and compromise. The aging politicians in Beijing and Hong Kong need to realize that in 2047, when the 50-year term of the Basic Law expires, the teens of Scholarism will be the most experienced political leaders in China and, like Nelson Mandela, tempered in street battles and prison. Refusal to dialogue with these young people now is a sure path to eventual disgrace and oblivion. It takes courage and wisdom to cross the barricades, especially from those in power, but that’s exactly what is needed to unite a country with the consent of the governed.</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Author Bio:</strong></p> <p> </p> <p><strong><em>Yoichi Shimatsu was a founding faculty member of the Journalism and Media Studies Centre at The University of Hong Kong.</em></strong></p> <p> </p> <p><strong>From our content partner <a href="http://newamericamedia.org/2014/10/gen-97-drives-struggle-for-identity-and-fairness-in-hong-kong.php">New America Media</a></strong></p> </div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Tags:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/hong-kong" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Hong Kong</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/hong-kong-protests" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">hong kong protests</a></div><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/china" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">China</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/beijing" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Beijing</a></div><div class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/demonstrations" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">demonstrations</a></div><div class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/student-demonstrations" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">student demonstrations</a></div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-author field-type-text field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">Yoichi Shimatsu</div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-pop field-type-list-boolean field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Popular:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">not popular</div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-photographer field-type-text field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Photographer:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">Wikipedia Commons; Google Images; thinboy fatter (Flickr)</div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-bot field-type-list-boolean field-label-above"><div class="field-label">Bottom Slider:&nbsp;</div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even">Out Slider</div></div></div> Thu, 02 Oct 2014 14:36:08 +0000 tara 5262 at https://www.highbrowmagazine.com https://www.highbrowmagazine.com/4341-struggle-identity-and-fairness-hong-kong#comments